Okechukwu Eme

Okechukwu Eme

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Public Enterprises Management in Nigeria

Public Enterprises Management in Nigeria

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PREFACE The book “Public Enterprises Management in Nigerian” has three parts with twenty-two chapters. In part, one we have defined the concept public enterprises, the origin of Public Enterprises, the justifications, objectives and reasons for the creation of public enterprises are enumerated and the criteria for identifying public enterprises were equally addressed. This part also discussed the classification of Public Enterprises based on Functions and Objectives. The Second part presents a brief history of public enterprises in Nigeria. We also discussed and drew the organisation structure of public enterprises; listed the sources of finance, staffing, control and accountability of public enterprises. Also we contend that the control functions of the key actors in the evaluation of public enterprises performance; enumerated performance measures of public enterprises and the problems of public enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa. This part concludes by positing that the success of public enterprises depends on the strict application of management principles and practices. There is no short cut to efficiency and effectiveness. The resort to sale of public enterprises confirms the fact that inefficient management cannot produce the desired results. The problems of public enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa should be addressed as a means of improving their performance. The concept of public enterprises as a developmental strategy cannot be overruled. However, the management of these enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa and in Nigeria in particular leaves much to be desired. The success of public enterprises in Nigeria is a function of the will of government. Part 3 exposes the student to the concept of privatization and commercialization of public enterprises. The forms, strategies, objectives, legal and institutional framework of privatization and commercialization are discussed. The reasons for the privatization and commercialization of public enterprises among which are poor performance of these enterprises are highlighted. This part also discusses privatization of public enterprises in the Sub Saharan Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. It listed the factors that led to the emergence of privatization; enumerated the modalities for privatization; listed and discussed the different types of privatization as well as explained the problems of privatization in Nigeria.

 
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Elements of Comparative Local Government

Elements of Comparative Local Government

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This book, intended to serve the needs of young Nigerians preparing to the course on Ordinary and National Diplomas, Master and Bachelor of Science Degrees in Nigeria Universities and other Higher Institutions of learning, provides an informed introduction to Comparative Local Government. It suggests a new approach to the study of this subject matter. Instead of recounting the definition, justifications and classification of Comparative Local Government in Nigeria, it sets out to describe and analyse what is happening within Local government system and the issues of principles involved in these happenings within a framework. Many works have so far been produced that have endevoured to explain the whole gamut of Comparative Local Government and their reforms. To our regret, due to the dearth of complete information, particularly the current changes going on in their reforms in post-colonial societies like ours, such accounts have been widely off the mark. The best of them contain serious gaps and have proved not entirely useful in arriving at the truth. Eme, Okechukwu Innocent and Okoroafor’s account in this book, a long overdue work, provides the most authentic analysis and explanations of the Nigeria’s socio-economic and political environment under which Local Government was established, managed and reformed. It is significantly against this background, that the authors, Eme, O.I. and Okoroafor was able to thematically explore the genesis of Local Government and its concomitant mismanagement and reforms from colonial epoch to contemporary era. Hence, the authors through the chapterisation of the book delved into explaining to the readers how the current crisis in Local Government in Nigeria have come to bear by looking at the political economy of Nigeria during the colonial, independent and post-independent epochs. The authors in their systematic and pragmatic approach was able to show that corruption and mismanagement of Nigeria’s common wealth was part and parcel of colonial legacies bequeathed to the post-independence Nigeria socio-economic and political managers who were never groomed to pilot the affairs of state in line with the general global best practices thereby continued in the way the colonial forces handed them the mantle of leadership. Obviously, the book provides practical guides on the nitty-gritty of day-to-day administrative and management work for young and serving officers in public bureaucracies. Eme and Okoroaror’s book fills this gap adequately. It is for this reason that I recommend the book to students, public officials, researchers and those who are continuously in the audios business of impacting knowledge to future generations. Professor Anthony Onyishi Obayi, Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

 
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The North and Political Economy of Nigeria Revenue Allocation in Nigeria

The North and Political Economy of Nigeria Revenue Allocation in Nigeria

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The current controversy between Northern Governors and their Southern Counterparts, over how oil revenues accruing to the Nigerians should be shared has created a deep gulf in the ranks of the governors. In the last few days, the governors have been polarized under ethnic and regional lines over who gets what from the Federation Account. Political and opinion leaders across the polity have also joined the fray politicians in the nineteen (19) northern states want the fund to be abolished or its percentage significantly reduced because its sustenance not only puts the north at a is advantaged but also poses danger for the part of the country where literacy, poverty, ignorance and general backwardness are on the rise. The oil producing states, on the other hand are determined to fight back to protect their right and push for a progressive increase in the derivation formula up to fight (50) percent to cushion the impacts of years of marginalization and environmental degradation by the oil companies in the region political watchers fear that the oil producing states could revive the age long agitation for total resource cont control or demand a review of the current derivation formula from the current 13 percent to 50 percent. All seem not lost for the North. The region may begin to enjoy a special derivation from solid minerals based on ongoing arrangement by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFC). Despite the criticisms there are indications, that the north was ready to go the whole hog as the region recently set up the ten (10) Committees to harmonise its interest. The paper concludes by positing that the Northern agitation is rather, a product of deep seated envy and parochial interest.

 
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Women Marginalization in Electoral Politics in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective

Women Marginalization in Electoral Politics in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective

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Global patriarchy has given ascendancy to men in politics, authority and decision-making in and outside the family. Under such a male-centred system without a female face, women lack access to politics and decision-making and are highly under-represented at most levels of government. This paper analyses marginalization of women in decision-making and the challenges encountered by female politicians on their way to political participation in Nigeria. It also, contends that the power relations that have prevented women from political activism operate in many levels of society, from the most personal to the highly public. It argues that the gender uneven electoral politics in Nigeria is as a result of men’ majority in the political party hierarchy, which places them at a vantage position to influence party’s internal politics in terms of selecting or electing candidates for electrons, and political patronage .The paper notes that socio-cultural, economic, political, organizational, legal and political factors have combined to shape the “home-centred’ perception of Nigerian women ,and explains the level of participation of women in political and bureaucratic decisionmaking positions. To reverse the historical under-represented Nigerian women in politics, and decision-making in governance, the paper proposes a triad strategy for women empowerment. First, is a women friendly legal framework in which affirmative action principles are incorporated into the Nigerian Constitution and Electoral Act. Second, is exhibition of positive role modeling for gender image laundering by the few women in top political and administrative positions .Third, is the advancement of women’ agenda and support of party activities as well as funding of women who are actively seeking political offices as a mechanism for addressing the imbalances and injustices against Nigerian women.

 
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The Role of Nigeria in Promoting Preventative Diplomacy in Africa: (1999 – 2008)*

The Role of Nigeria in Promoting Preventative Diplomacy in Africa: (1999 – 2008)*

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The former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration was remarkable for its ability to enthrone peace where there is conflict, especially in Africa, and contributions to peace missions across the globe, thereby winning friends for Nigeria and earning Nigeria respect among the comity of nations. This paper will highlight the necessity for taking preventive measures in the form of peace-building as a sustainable and long-term solution to conflicts in Africa, with special focus on the Mano River Union Countries, and the Great Lakes Region. Apart from the foregoing, this paper will explore efforts at resolving other conflicts in Togo, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda and Congo Democratic that have suffered from a lack of attention on the post-conflict imperatives of building peace in order to ensure that sustainable peace is achieved. Given the often intractable and inter-related nature of conflicts in Africa; the paper argues for the need to revisit the existing mechanisms of conflict resolutions in the continent with a view to canvassing a stronger case for stakeholders towards adopting the Peace-building strategy as a more practical and sustainable way of avoiding wars in the continent. Peace-building is in consonance with its infrastructure and is a more sustainable approach to ensuring regional peace and stability and, therefore ensuring development for the peoples of Africa.

 
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Women and Politics in Nigeria: Strategizing for 2015

Women and Politics in Nigeria: Strategizing for 2015

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For Eme Edith and millions of other Nigerian women, taking part in elective politics is not easy. Women often do not receive the support and mentoring they need to compete with their male counterparts. In turn, many voters do not fully appreciate the benefits of having a mix of men and women in government. As a result, there is currently a low representation of women at all levels of government in Nigeria. In the country’s general election in 2011, female candidates fared poorly, with only 32 women elected to the national parliament out of 469 members, which is barely 8% representation. To address this, the paper suggests providing budding female politicians with training and support, complemented by community enlightenment campaigns. With this assistance, Nigerian women, will now be better equipped to participate in forthcoming national and local elections in Nigeria come 2015.

 
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The Role of Cities in Nation Building

The Role of Cities in Nation Building

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Cities in Nigeria, as elsewhere, have historically exerted potent influences on the countryside. The northern city-states for instance played a major role in the distribution of human population and economic activity throughout the savanna region. As citadels and centers of power and conquest, they caused depopulation in some regions, notably those subject to conquest and raiding, and population concentration in other areas. The low populations of the middle belt savanna probably resulted from the raiding and the conquests of the Hausa and Fulani city-states. The subsequent regrowth of bush land is thought to have led to a resurgence of tsetse flies and other disease vectors, which inhibited attempts to repopulate the region. The complementary effect was to increase population in zones of relative security, either areas under the protection of the dominant political states or areas of refuge, such as hill masses, which were difficult for armed horsemen to conquer. Among the most important interactions between rural and urban areas through the 1980s till date in Nigeria and most other parts of Africa were the demographic impacts of urban migration on rural areas. This is because the great majority of migrants were men of working age, the rural areas from which they came were left with a demographically unbalanced population of women, younger children, and older people. This phenomenon was not new to Nigeria and had been evident in parts of the country since long before independence. The paper discusses the major conceptual issues in a thematic form by identifying the factors that led to the growth of cities, and concludes by positing that we are not saying that cities were absent in pre-industrial, pre-capitalist or pre-nation state societies. Rather, it was the combination of those influences that gave rise to accelerated urbanization, a new role for the city within the larger society and, hence, they city as we know it today.

 
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The Presidency and Cost of Governance in Nigeria: A Case of Jonathan’s Administration.

The Presidency and Cost of Governance in Nigeria: A Case of Jonathan’s Administration.

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It is a big surprise that the President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, says he is prepared to prune the growing cost of running public affairs. All the newspapers have reported that he is set to confront the challenge headlong by scrapping some government bodies, merging others and restructuring many. The details are still being worked out. All that has been released so far is that the National Examinations Council, National Poverty Eradication Programme and the Universal Tertiary Matriculation Examination are the fist casualties of the plan. By the announced plan, it is clear that the president and his men either do not appreciate the magnitude of the problem or he is again playing games with a deadly disease afflicting the country. How does scrapping NECO and directing WAEC to absorb the workers amount to cutting cost? Or how would changing the name of NAPP amount to enhancing the value of governance? What is he doing to ensure that every kobo that goes into the national treasury counts? What is he doing to ensure that public policy is tailored towards alleviating the suffering of the people? The paper examines the Cost of Governance under Jonathan’s presidency. It explores cost of governance in a thematic form, using concrete instances to drive home its major theses. The paper concludes by positing that rising cost of governance is unnecessary waste of public funds in payment of entitlements, due to overbloated administrative cost, but it has, above all, given rise to the current unhealthy rivalry and widespread bitterness between the so-called clause of “senior ministers and junior or ministers of state.”

 
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The Political Economy of Climate Change in Africa: Nigeria in Perspective

The Political Economy of Climate Change in Africa: Nigeria in Perspective

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The burning issue of Climate Change as it affects the various facet of human life relatively, particularly in the developing African countries such Nigeria, has taken center stage in the political economy discourse in contemporary time. Thus, this paper explores the political economy of climate change in Africa with a focus on Nigeria. Though, it is believed that African countries contribute the leant of any country to global warming yet that are relatively affected than any other continent. The research is anchored on the Marxian political economy paradigm or a explanatory tool for understanding the development of climate change issues and adaptation in Nigeria. It as found that the level of development of countries in terms of technology and other socio-economic various contributed to the management of climate change.

 
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The Legislature and Anti-Corruption Crusade Under Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, 1999-2013

The Legislature and Anti-Corruption Crusade Under Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, 1999-2013

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An attempt by the Federal Government of Nigeria to remove subsidy on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) popularly known as fuel opened a Pandora’s Box which stories are still developing till today. On the insistence and prompting of Nigerians that corruption and fuel had been subsidized all along, the House of Representatives set up an Ad Hoc committee to look into alleged irregularities in the fuel subsidy regime. The committee after its investigation discovered that N1.4 trillion had been unlawfully paid out to the treasury looters. This particular fraud is said to be the most monumental in Nigeria and in Africa considering that it is close to half the annual budget of Nigeria and that of about seven West African countries put together. Few months after the submission of the report of the Panel which included recommendations for appropriate sanctions to culprits, Nigerians were yet treated to another drama when Mr. Femi Otedola whose company Zenon Oil had been fingered as one of the beneficiaries of the loot, came out to say that the chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee Hon. Farouk Lawan had solicited for $3m out of which $620,000 had been paid out to enable Hon Farouk Lawan remove Zenon Oil from any complicity in the scam. To say that corruption, like cankerworm, has totally devoured the very fabric of the Nigerian polity is merely stating the obvious. That the cost of public and private sector corruption to the nation, over the years, is unquantifiable is rather stale news. Likewise the fact that the agencies saddled with the responsibilities of checkmating corruption and prosecuting corrupt individuals has not done enough. Even the judiciary has not helped matters. And the question remains: Is there a way out of the woods? This is where the role of the legislature in the anti-corruption initiative is critical given the centrality of the role of the legislature in the political process of a polity. This paper examines how the legislature has faired in performing its constitutional and oversight duties in this regard. It finds a wide gulf of difference between constitutional prescriptions and political realities in a country where the legislature itself is confronted by daunting corruption challenges.

 
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