Governments and the World Bank have very few tools to reach large numbers of the poor directly, particularly in the context of weak or fragile states, in post-conflict and post disaster environments, or in areas with poor track records of service delivery within the bureaucracy. Community driven development (CDD) potentially constitutes an important approach in the repertoire of development interventions because it is designed to place less stress on government line agencies by optimizing the use of community actors, yet at the same time reach very large numbers of poor people. Determining whether this approach is worth supporting requires rigorous evaluation to assess CDD’s effectiveness in various settings. And if it does work, how can we strengthen its ability to deliver results as a second generation of CDD programs begins to emerge? This study aims to explore these issues. Social services provisioning are failing poor urban and rural people in the developing world, and poverty remains concentrated in rural areas and urban slums. This state of affairs prevails despite prolonged efforts by many governments to improve rural and urban services and development programs. This paper focuses on how local governments in Nigeria can be empowered to contribute to their own development and, in the process, improve infrastructure, governance, services, and economic and social development, that is, ultimately, the broad range of activities for sustainable poverty reduction. Central to thesis is that local governments within a clearly defined decentralized framework that devolves real power and resources to local governments and communities will do better. The paper concludes by positing that capacity support, technical institutions and nongovernmental institutions are key to Local Government support which is central to Community Driven Development.
The paper undertook a comprehensive study of a wide range of issues involved in the protracted character of the fifty-two (52) year Ezillo-Ezza-Ezillo Communal conflict. The paper also underlined the systemic and overlapping cyclical nature of the conflict in terms of its causes. In the review of literature we tried to situate in proper perspective, by undertaking conceptual review of conflict, communal conflict and their causes. We reviewed conventional causes such as indigene-settler-problematic, socio-economic and political resources. Extant literatures are of the view that conflict are caused by a multivariable factors. Similarly, the indeterminate and imprecise definition of who is an indigene and who is not, coupled with the mistrust, rivalries that occasion the coexistence of the two social categories are the major conflict triggers in many Nigeria communities including Ezza-Ezillo- Ezillo. This much was also elaborated in the theoretical framework for the study which was anchored on the Marxist theory of conflicts and the pluralism theory. The main thrust being that the hostile relation usually inherent in societies are driven by differences in material resources and existence of groups and subgroups. Following from our review of extant literature and analysis, we discovered that issues such as indigenship, land ownership, cultural denigration, competition for resources and measures taken by the government managing the conflicts were responsible for the conflict. In view of these unresolved issues the paper proffered plausible recommendations.
In Obasanjo’s National Broadcast on June 18th 2003 and his address at the inauguration of the National Assembly on June 5, 2003, he drew attention to several aspects of our national life which must be addressed in order to move the nation forward. One area of immediate attention is the structure of government at the third tier of government, which requires urgent review to incorporate an efficient and participatory framework that should maximize the utilization of scarce resources available to Governments. According him, the need for review of the present structure of governance at local government level was informed by three disturbing trends, among others, which had been identified with the recent inception of democratic dispensation in the country:
This paper analyzed the emerging trend of privatization in Nigeria, comparing the emergent realities between two sub- sectors education and industry. Between 1985 and 1998, the wave of de-nationalization of public companies, utilities and boards did not flutter the university sector. However, from 1999 to date, university education had been opened up for private participation in educational delivery with private operators founding, funding, and operating universities in such a way that had not been witnessed before. Thus the monopoly of government as the sole provider of educational services at the tertiary level has been checked. The study which deployed a descriptive analysis relying heavily on secondary sources of data, examined the new patterns of privatizing in the educational sub – sector that is not in keeping with the government’s privatization model. The study argues that this radical departure from tradition was due to the failure of the government to govern for good reasons, and that privatization is bound to precipitate new and complex social problems to the university system in particular and the entire society in general.
The problem of unregulated use of money in politics did not begin today. There are antecedents in the history of modern Nigeria, beginning with the politics of nationalism in the 1950s, similar to rent-seeking behaviours of parties, politicians and voters. For example, the absence of strict legislation to regulate party finance made it possible for politicians and political parties to engage in illegal party financing and corruption in the Nigeria’s First Republic. The electoral laws under which elections were conducted in the 1950s and 1960s were derived from the provision of the British Representation of the Peoples Act of 1948/9 and its regulations. The 1959 elections were conducted under the provision of the Nigeria (Electoral Provisions) Order-in-Council, LN 117 of 1958 enacted by the British Parliament. During this period, there was no clearly defined regulatory framework on party finance and political party funding was primarily carried out through private parties since candidates were responsible Granted that some efforts have been made to reform laws regulating political campaigns and party funding, campaign financing and their abuses thereof remain shrouded in mystery. It is in this connection that this chapter critically interrogates the challenges of political parties and election/campaign financing in Nigeria, with specific emphasis on the 2015 general elections. The chapter demonstrates that despite the existence of an enabling Act to sanitize campaign financing in Nigeria, the suspicious manner in which the presidential candidates of the two major political parties mobilized huge campaign funds in the wake of the 2015 general elections, reveals not just the contempt with which they hold this law, but also exposes the political corruption and commercialization of the electioneering process. The methodology made extensive use of secondary sources and employed the technique of content analysis to analyse both descriptive, narrative, and empirical data on election expenses. The chapter also argues that the commercialization of the electioneering process does not only disempower and dispossess citizens during the post-election period, but has other far reaching- implications for the nation’s democratic trajectory. The chapter concludes by positing that there is the need, not just to strengthen institutions but, to make them more proactive in the discharge of their statutory responsibilities.
There has been renewed interest in food security related issues in many developing nations. This revival is occasioned by the dramatic rise in food prices across the globe occasioned by increased global food demand, diminishing global food reserves, erratic weather patterns, increased cost of petroleum products and illegal land use among others. In Nigeria, several agricultural policies have been formulated to curtail food security challenges. Unfortunately, these policies have not yielded the desired results of increase food production. This paper, thus, explores the various challenges confronting food security in Nigeria with a view of highlighting the reasons that account for these problems. The paper also suggests ways of address these challenges and concludes by positing that the task of feeding the populace adequately constitutes an increasing challenge, requiring the coordinated efforts and interaction of food producers, transporters, market operators and a myriad of retailers.
It is axiomatic to posit that entrepreneurship is a major contributing factor to economic growth and development in any polity. However, entrepreneurial ability and leadership tend to be relative lacking in Nigeria as a result of many factors inhibiting affecting its growth and development. However, Nigeria still falls far short of the economic and social progress required to impact the well being of the average Nigerian given that over half of Nigeria’s population live on less than one dollar a day. Nigeria is also one of the top three countries in the world that have the largest population of poor people. In addition, Nigeria remains off track on achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including the goal of halving the number of people who live in extreme poverty The economic reforms have not been sufficient to reverse years of economic decline, deteriorating capacity, weakened institutions and inadequate infrastructure investment while the recent dramatic stock market decline and banking crisis, and the global economic crisis have accentuated the situation This paper investigates these factors militating factors against the development of entrepreneurship in Nigeria. It explores both theoretical and empirical literature as base for the study. Despite all the efforts of government, progress of entrepreneurs in Nigeria is still limited due to financial, infrastructure and business climate challenges. It can be logically correct to conclude from the above theses that these challenges still constitute obstacles to entrepreneurs in Nigeria and have not been surmounted.
Ever since the independence of Nigeria in 1960, scholars as well as developmental experts have sought to divulge the reasons for the nation’s protracted underdevelopment. These efforts gained momentum, following the oil boom of the 1970s, in which the nation boasted of having lots of money at its disposal to the extent that its problem became what to use the money for, yet there was no visible development or its indicators in the country. Most of the studies averred that corruption, tribalism and nepotism, an established system of mediocrity cum general administrative ineptitude account so much for the nation’s developmental catastrophe. This research work, though not completely denying the fact that the above mentioned issues in one way or the other contribute to the nation’s developmental crisis, contend that Nigeria’s developmental problems are inextricably intertwined with Census Politics as observed in the 2006 population census of the federation. Data generated from population census is among other things used in determining who gets what, when and why in the Nigerian federation. Consequently, there has been an unending drive towards inflation of census figures among Nigerian states, geared towards obtaining the advantages accruing from having higher population figures in the country. This scenario has created a situation of distributive imbalance and subsequently, injustice in the allocation of funds and other resources in the federation. It is observed from our study that the root cause of the jostle towards falsification of population census figures in Nigeria remains the inadequacies in the practices of revenue allocations in the country. The fact that considerable attention is being paid to generative capacity, as well as landmass among other principles has created and fortified the character of census that now obtains in the country and which was manifested in the 2006 population census. States with limited access to natural resources tend to see the population exercise as the only means available for them to bridge the gap created by absence and/ or inadequacy of natural resources. This accounts so much for the manipulation of the 2006 census figures in the country. As a result of high intrusion of politics in the 2006 population counts, there has been widespread discrepancy between revenue allocation to states and the call for its rejection.
Following the alarm raised by a coalition of civil society groups and professional bodies in the construction industry on the manufacturing and importation of poor quality cement into the country, the Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON) recently convened and mandated a Technical Committee to formulate new standards for cement in the country. Though belated, this response to the alarm should help ensure that henceforth, only high quality cement that can guarantee the strength and safety of buildings is either produced or imported into the country. For some time now, the quality of cement sold in the country has been compromised at will, leaving unpleasant consequences such as frequent collapse of buildings across the country, with attendant loss of lives and property. There have been worrisome reports of different grades of sub-standard cement in the market, with consumers largely unaware that certain grades of cement were not suitable for housing construction. The use of law-grade cement probably contributed to the problem of collapsing buildings in the country. The loss of lives in the collapsed buildings could clearly have been avoided if proper quality standards had been set and enforced, and the people educated on the grade of cement to use for block making and house plastering. Nevertheless, it is good that SON has now taken necessary steps to formulate cement standards for Nigeria. This will help users of the product to establish the relationship between the quality of the cement that they use and the strength and safety of their buildings. We commend SON under the leadership of Dr. Joseph Odumodu for responding quickly to the alert raised by stakeholders in the construction industry. This paper addresses the challenges raised above and suggests that poor building practices are key to the problem of building collapse and that efforts to curb this problem would be beyond the scope of the Technical Committee alone but to all stakeholders. From these reviews and current development in the Nigerian cement industry in the last four months the paper concludes that with the availability of 32.5, 42.5 and 52.5 grade of cement in the country, it is high time for massive education of bricklayers and masons all over the country for them to know the right kind of cement for a given project and thus ensure safety of buildings.
Abstract. Over the years, there has been a running battle between the universalists and the relativists as to which stand is correct vis-à-vis the philosophical notions of knowledge and morality. Whereas for the universalists morality is universal, eternal, and unchanging, the relativists hold that man is the measure of all things and accordingly, that morality is relative to each individual and/or culture. The universalists contend that our idea of judgment and belief must have standards that they must meet independently of anyone’s propensity to accept it. The relativists built their philosophy on the foundation that there exists extreme variation in customs, manners, religions vis-à-vis different human societies, just as moral beliefs and attitudes of individuals are basically learnt from their own cultural environments. It is on the basis of the alleged absence of all-time and all-place valid standards of truth or morality that the universalists launched a devastating attack on the relativists, arguing that there would be neither moral progress nor any basis for scientifico-technological knowledge if everybody or culture is right about his or its belief or claim to knowledge. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to critically examine the philosophical concept of relativism within the context of knowledge, truth and morality. Through a thorough and critical analysis, the paper demonstrates the latent implications relativism portends for knowledge, the quest for authentic existence as well as social order. On the whole, the paper took a position that notwithstanding the obvious shortcomings of relativism, it has some rich and positive ingredients that could be exploited in our attempt to explore the nature of knowledge and truth, the search for authentic personal existence as well as social order.
Capital punishment is one of the basic issues in applied ethics. As a concept which bothers much on justice, it is also a critical issue in legal philosophy wherein it is examined under the umbrella of ‘corrective justice’. Although virtually every known human society has practised it at one time or the other in the course of its existence, its usefulness and effectiveness as an instrument for corrective justice is increasingly coming under serious attacks in this modern time. Capital punishment has generated debates which have raged on for over four hundred years. That capital punishment has been abolished in most of the industrialized countries of the world is a development that calls for sober reflection. The purpose of this work, therefore, is to examine some ethical issues involved in capital punishment, with a view to determining whether its continued practice can ever be justified in this modern time and, if so, under what circumstances. It also examines critically, the various points and arguments adduced by the existing schools of thought in defence of their respective positions.