The anti-graft agency came into existence only a few years after Nigeria became a democracy in 1999. Its first Chief, Nuhu Ribadu, claimed that Nigeria lost more than $380 billion to graft between 1960 and 1999 (Eme 2010). The nation’s political class reigned with impunity until the agency’s creation. Under him, the agency arrested powerful state governors and earned media praise. However, the agency under Ribadu trampled on suspects’ rights while avoiding targeting allies of then President Olusegun Obasanjo. The Commission has only garnered four convictions against Nigeria’s political elites since its creation in 2004, with those found guilty facing little on prison time. Waziri took over the Commission in 2008 and has been criticised by the United States of America diplomats for being unprepared and for apparently being controlled by politicians. Others have leveled corruption allegations against her and operatives of the commission, though none has been proven There is no telling the fact the wait is still or on, close to a decade after. Instead of corruption abating it is increasing. Sadly, though with a clearly equipped arsenal to achieve spelt out goals, the EFCC allowed the enemy virus, which has previously destroyed the fabrics of the polity to creep into it operations. Thus, instead of a steely approach towards fighting crimes, the agency became a clay-footed organ that hardly get anything done. Pioneer chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, has shown the direction of the body would go when, like an attack dog for Obasanjo, he began arresting enemies of the former President. Particularly, those not agreeable to his third term bid, anticlimaxing in the odious impeachment of state governors without the mandatory two-third majority required by the 1999 Constitution. Last November, his replacement, Farida Waziri, like Ribadu, was unceremoniously removed from office, for reasons observes believes could also not be different from the sins of her predecessor-, more excuses than effectiveness. The paper examines the many problems of the Commission as well as he challenges of anti-graft war in post April 2011 Nigeria as it concerns governor who lost in the elections.
Environmental factors play significant roles in the determination and operations of the budgetary system in Nigeria. In the Nigerian Financial system law and order usually play a pivotal role. Hence, the system is hedged about with legal restriction and governmental order. Generally, environment can be viewed as all the condition, circumstances and influences affecting the development of and activities of the local government. These factors among others include industrial, socio-economic and political environment affecting the attitudes and work ethics/behaviours at work. It is within this milieu of interactions factor that the actors in the budgetary system is entrenched. In an ideal situation, budgetary process is said to be peoples’ driven when it calls for a consultative forum where stakeholders express their feeling relating to previous budget and present their inputs and priorities which form the part of existing budget. This process will go a long way in assisting and updating Elected Officers, Ministries, Departments and Agencies towards budgetary preparation. However, it is surprising that since 1999, Civil Societies, Nigerians and other well-meaning organizations in Nigeria, have made tireless effort to access the proposed Federal government budgetary estimations to guide them. But such has proved abortive; as the Government denied them meaningful contribution to the budgetary process. Apart from this, in two different occasions, the Presidency has failed in its attempt attempts to present the proposed budget before the National Assembly for scrutiny; only to be postponed at eleventh hour due to one or two reasons best known to presidency. This has posed series of confusions and doubt about effective execution and implementation of the draft estimation. The paper notes that the ecology of the budgetary system in Nigeria determines to a great extent its effectiveness as well as pattern. On the other hand, governments through their activities influence their environment. The paper concludes that the influence is reciprocal.
For the last few days, economic activities have been grounded throughout the country by the on-going strike embarked by labour unions and the civil society groups to protest the removal of fuel subsidy and the resultant increase in petrol price from N65 to between N141 to N200. The strike action, which has already gulped several billions of naira, has indeed put to question whether the continued statement in the federal government and organized labour and civil society organizations talks is not actually costing the country more revenue than the estimated N1.3 trillion the federal government pays oil marketers yearly. Instructively, the federal government said it as withdrawing the subsidy because it was draining the nation’s resources and would collapse the economy in the next two years or there about if retained. After six days of the strike, the country has already lost over N1.3 trillion than it would have spent subsidizing fuel for another year. One therefore, begins to wonder the sense in the removal of the subsidy. For instance, the presidency says the subsidy was removed in order to save cost. But, the ongoing strike has already resulted in huge revenue loses. Nigeria has a long history of increase in fuel price; and it dates back to the day’s o General Yakubu Gowon in the early 1970s. The deception of claiming to remove subsidy came with the supposedly Obasanjo’s democratic era. He increased it severally before he exited office from N20 to N70. The late Yar’Adua went against the trend and reduced it to N65. Finally, as at today, Jonathan regime has jerked it up to N141. For many Nigerians, the government has done it worst by increasing the price of petrol and they have to do all in their power to resist it. The paper concludes by positing that government is merely taxing the poor to subsidies the life of the rich.
In an effort to prune the rising cost of governance in Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan in August, 2011, set up a Presidential Committee on Rationalization and Restructuring of Federal Government's Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies. The committee, which was headed by former Head of Service of the Federation, Stephen Orosanye, recently submitted its report, which contained far reaching recommendations - some of which have thrown government employees into some sort of quandary and apprehension. In the report, the committee reviewed the extant laws in sync with its mandate and submitted inter alia: "The average cost of governance in Nigeria is believed to rank among the highest in the world…If the cost of governance must be brought down, all arms of government must make spirited efforts at reducing their running cost." Out of the present structure of 263 statutory agencies, the panel recommended a reduction to 161, with additional proposals that: 38 agencies be abolished; 52 be merged and 14 others be reverted to departments in various ministries. The agencies and parastatals employ varying numbers of workers estimated at 30,000 nationwide. However, since most of these institutions are creations of the law, it remains to be seen how the National Assembly will acquiesce to these proposals. Judging from the welter of public opinion as expressed in the mass media and in other outlets, the Orosanye's Report has attracted far more opponents than those who support it. When the Adoke Review Committee set up to look into the recommendations of the Presidential Panel finally submits its report, the government must exercise utmost caution and discretion in the choices of: what to implement now; what to discard and what belong to the future. In making these choices, it must also consider the contending interests of all stakeholders; the asphyxiating economic environment of the Nigerian worker and how the chosen items will accentuate the realization of the objectives of the government's Transformation Agenda. The objective of this paper is to explore the implications of high cost governance on the socio-economic sectors of the Nigeria economy.
It is remarkable to appreciate how much or little socio-economic conditions of people have been transformed in a corrupt but civil society like Nigeria. With huge resource expansion, unparalleled and unprecedented corrupt practices have been the bane of democratic governance which the people of Nigeria yearn for. Thus, corruption has made things very stressful and difficult and the reality of good governance a mirage. Dramatic abuse of office, injustice, embezzlement, nepotism, inequality and lack of basic needs of the people have been the order of the day as a result of corruption that has plagued the Nigerian governance structure and system. This work thus attempts to look at Corruption and Democratic Governance in Nigeria with Njaba Local Government Area of Imo state as our case study from years 2006-2010. It also examines the causes of corruption, the typology and further recommends ways of fighting the scourge to enhance democratic governance in the local government.
The objective of this paper is to explore the linkage between corruption and administration by using Nigeria as a case study. This is because corruption has been around for a very long time and will be around in the future unless governments figure out effective ways to combat it. Though various anti-corruption strategies have been designed and implemented. Toward the end of the twentieth century economics turned their attention to corruption that beforehand was the subject of sociology, political science, history, public administration, and criminal law researches. Despite the vivid link between corruption and economic performance hot debates arose to determine the nature (negative or positive) of this correlation. Reviewing the results of these empirical studies we can conclude that corruption in few cases can boost economic growth but only in the short run, for in the long-run and in general, corruption destroys the economy and the culture and impedes welfare. All empirical results of different research programs support the proposition that corruption inhibits economic performance. The surveyed studies provide evidence that corruption may seriously inhibit long-term economic growth and increase the volatility of business cycles. Various leading international organizations (the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and Transparency international) national governments, scientists (despite their specialization) regard corruption as damaging factor for development and democracy. This paper adopts a qualitative methodology and uses the technique of content analysis and tables to document its findings. The paper suggests active policy against corruption should be elaborated and implemented in Nigeria.
Governments and the World Bank have very few tools to reach large numbers of the poor directly, particularly in the context of weak or fragile states, in post-conflict and post disaster environments, or in areas with poor track records of service delivery within the bureaucracy. Community driven development (CDD) potentially constitutes an important approach in the repertoire of development interventions because it is designed to place less stress on government line agencies by optimizing the use of community actors, yet at the same time reach very large numbers of poor people. Determining whether this approach is worth supporting requires rigorous evaluation to assess CDD’s effectiveness in various settings. And if it does work, how can we strengthen its ability to deliver results as a second generation of CDD programs begins to emerge? This study aims to explore these issues. Social services provisioning are failing poor urban and rural people in the developing world, and poverty remains concentrated in rural areas and urban slums. This state of affairs prevails despite prolonged efforts by many governments to improve rural and urban services and development programs. This paper focuses on how local governments in Nigeria can be empowered to contribute to their own development and, in the process, improve infrastructure, governance, services, and economic and social development, that is, ultimately, the broad range of activities for sustainable poverty reduction. Central to thesis is that local governments within a clearly defined decentralized framework that devolves real power and resources to local governments and communities will do better. The paper concludes by positing that capacity support, technical institutions and nongovernmental institutions are key to Local Government support which is central to Community Driven Development.
The paper undertook a comprehensive study of a wide range of issues involved in the protracted character of the fifty-two (52) year Ezillo-Ezza-Ezillo Communal conflict. The paper also underlined the systemic and overlapping cyclical nature of the conflict in terms of its causes. In the review of literature we tried to situate in proper perspective, by undertaking conceptual review of conflict, communal conflict and their causes. We reviewed conventional causes such as indigene-settler-problematic, socio-economic and political resources. Extant literatures are of the view that conflict are caused by a multivariable factors. Similarly, the indeterminate and imprecise definition of who is an indigene and who is not, coupled with the mistrust, rivalries that occasion the coexistence of the two social categories are the major conflict triggers in many Nigeria communities including Ezza-Ezillo- Ezillo. This much was also elaborated in the theoretical framework for the study which was anchored on the Marxist theory of conflicts and the pluralism theory. The main thrust being that the hostile relation usually inherent in societies are driven by differences in material resources and existence of groups and subgroups. Following from our review of extant literature and analysis, we discovered that issues such as indigenship, land ownership, cultural denigration, competition for resources and measures taken by the government managing the conflicts were responsible for the conflict. In view of these unresolved issues the paper proffered plausible recommendations.
In Obasanjo’s National Broadcast on June 18th 2003 and his address at the inauguration of the National Assembly on June 5, 2003, he drew attention to several aspects of our national life which must be addressed in order to move the nation forward. One area of immediate attention is the structure of government at the third tier of government, which requires urgent review to incorporate an efficient and participatory framework that should maximize the utilization of scarce resources available to Governments. According him, the need for review of the present structure of governance at local government level was informed by three disturbing trends, among others, which had been identified with the recent inception of democratic dispensation in the country:
This paper analyzed the emerging trend of privatization in Nigeria, comparing the emergent realities between two sub- sectors education and industry. Between 1985 and 1998, the wave of de-nationalization of public companies, utilities and boards did not flutter the university sector. However, from 1999 to date, university education had been opened up for private participation in educational delivery with private operators founding, funding, and operating universities in such a way that had not been witnessed before. Thus the monopoly of government as the sole provider of educational services at the tertiary level has been checked. The study which deployed a descriptive analysis relying heavily on secondary sources of data, examined the new patterns of privatizing in the educational sub – sector that is not in keeping with the government’s privatization model. The study argues that this radical departure from tradition was due to the failure of the government to govern for good reasons, and that privatization is bound to precipitate new and complex social problems to the university system in particular and the entire society in general.
The problem of unregulated use of money in politics did not begin today. There are antecedents in the history of modern Nigeria, beginning with the politics of nationalism in the 1950s, similar to rent-seeking behaviours of parties, politicians and voters. For example, the absence of strict legislation to regulate party finance made it possible for politicians and political parties to engage in illegal party financing and corruption in the Nigeria’s First Republic. The electoral laws under which elections were conducted in the 1950s and 1960s were derived from the provision of the British Representation of the Peoples Act of 1948/9 and its regulations. The 1959 elections were conducted under the provision of the Nigeria (Electoral Provisions) Order-in-Council, LN 117 of 1958 enacted by the British Parliament. During this period, there was no clearly defined regulatory framework on party finance and political party funding was primarily carried out through private parties since candidates were responsible Granted that some efforts have been made to reform laws regulating political campaigns and party funding, campaign financing and their abuses thereof remain shrouded in mystery. It is in this connection that this chapter critically interrogates the challenges of political parties and election/campaign financing in Nigeria, with specific emphasis on the 2015 general elections. The chapter demonstrates that despite the existence of an enabling Act to sanitize campaign financing in Nigeria, the suspicious manner in which the presidential candidates of the two major political parties mobilized huge campaign funds in the wake of the 2015 general elections, reveals not just the contempt with which they hold this law, but also exposes the political corruption and commercialization of the electioneering process. The methodology made extensive use of secondary sources and employed the technique of content analysis to analyse both descriptive, narrative, and empirical data on election expenses. The chapter also argues that the commercialization of the electioneering process does not only disempower and dispossess citizens during the post-election period, but has other far reaching- implications for the nation’s democratic trajectory. The chapter concludes by positing that there is the need, not just to strengthen institutions but, to make them more proactive in the discharge of their statutory responsibilities.
There has been renewed interest in food security related issues in many developing nations. This revival is occasioned by the dramatic rise in food prices across the globe occasioned by increased global food demand, diminishing global food reserves, erratic weather patterns, increased cost of petroleum products and illegal land use among others. In Nigeria, several agricultural policies have been formulated to curtail food security challenges. Unfortunately, these policies have not yielded the desired results of increase food production. This paper, thus, explores the various challenges confronting food security in Nigeria with a view of highlighting the reasons that account for these problems. The paper also suggests ways of address these challenges and concludes by positing that the task of feeding the populace adequately constitutes an increasing challenge, requiring the coordinated efforts and interaction of food producers, transporters, market operators and a myriad of retailers.