Entries on Nigeria
Payrolling is the process of listing the names of people employed by either private or public establishments, showing the amount of money to be paid to each of them. There are some rules and principles guiding the Payrolling processes. Local Government system as in other establishment adopts them to ensure that worker’s salaries are paid promptly. It is against this backdrop that this paper seeks to find out the extent to which Payrolling is carried out in the Nigerian local government system. During the course of this study, it was discovered that payroll officers engage in all sorts of frivolous activities such that workers have lost confidence in them. The paper did not hesitate to offer some solutions, which if adopted will rekindle the lost hope of local government workers.
The study aims to provide information on terrorist financing methods to assist competent authorities and reporting entities in their responsibilities to combat terrorist financing. Nigeria has in recent times been labeled as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with money laundering being one of the major demons that the nation has to constantly battle with. Efforts by the government through the activities of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as well as other agencies have not yielded much fruits. The United States of America’s Justice Department in 2014 placed some Nigerian banks under the searchlight in the wake of growing terrorism in the country. Specifically, the banks are being investigated to establish their links, if any, with funding of the various terror cells across the continent, particularly Boko Haram Sect. The development was sequel to BNP Paribas’ guilty plea and agreement to pay nearly $9 billion for violating U.S. sanctions, which has now triggered fresh enthusiasm on the U.S. Justice Department to also extend its investigations to Africa, especially among big banks on the continent with strong international links. Two other major French banks- Credit Agricole and Societe Generale, Germany’s Deutsche Bank AG, and Citigroup Inc’s Banamex unit in Mexico are among those investigated for money laundering or sanctions violations. This study examined Boko Haram and terrorist financing and its socio-economic implications for conflict resolution in Nigeria. The data for this study will be generated from Focus Group Discussion and documentary sources. Tables and the technique of content analysis will constitute our data analysis technique. Among the conclusions drawn supports the findings of Financial Action Task Force (FATF), that despite the earlier warnings to Nigeria on its non-compliance level, the country is yet to take any concrete step to stem the rising spate of financial crimes including terrorism financing, money laundering and corruption. Based on the above findings, the paper recommends that the parties and individuals that violate FATF laws should be sanctioned and that the laws on economic crimes need to be reviewed to promote enforceability.
Privatization has been the most controversial policy dominating the political agenda of many countries around the world. For instance, in the 1980s privatization were the policy choice and preferences as well as the new wave of conservative market reforms beginning in the west with the Thatcher government in the United Kingdom in 1979 and the Regan government in the United States the following year. In Africa it has remained a highly controversial, a subject of debate and politically risky. After her independence ,Nigeria, engaged in the expansion of the public sector in the first, second and third development plans following the keynesian paradigm .The present drive towards privatizations is the inability of the Keynesian paradigm to deal decisively with the worldwide economic crises and the various economic system adopted in Nigeria .Privatization of public enterprises in Nigeria is believed will bring about an end to Inefficiency, Balance of payment deficit, Low performance, Indiscipline, mismanagement of finance, attract Foreign and local Investment which will integrate the country in the globalization process and bring about competitive system, quality, and low price, better choice and satisfaction of goods and services. This paper seeks to discuss the major theoretical under pining of the concept of privatization, its major ideas and proponents in a thematic form. The paper concludes by positing that from literatures on privatization three things are clear. First, for privatization to take place there must be in existence public enterprises, which need to convert into private enterprises. Secondly, there is the reasoning that private ownership or control or management would be better than public ownership. Finally, privatization is premised on the fact that there are problems with public ownership of enterprises and privatization is part and parcel of a reform agenda to turn around these enterprises so that they can deliver goods and services more efficiently and effectively. As we shall show later, this kind of reasoning is ideologically loaded and cannot be substantiated by the existential reality of Nigeria.
In Nigeria the issue of party funding has for long posed a serious concern to watchers of our political scene. In the First and Second Republics it was an issue that was hotly debated in the state parliaments and the National Assembly. It was the fear of allowing the so called ‘moneybags’ to put political parties in their pockets that led the regime of Ibrahim Babangida in the nineties to make government partly responsible for their funding. Under current Nigerian conditions, however, most political parties lack ideologies, not issue oriented, but are merely zero-issue alliances of notables who are able to control and, often enough, manipulate party structures, candidacies and even the general electoral process itself. Most parties are vehicles in the hands of few “political entrepreneurs” who invest huge amount of money and expect concurrent rewards on such investment in the form of public works and procurement contracts, prebendal appointments of cronies to public offices and other forms of prebendal activity. The fallout has led to mass electoral/political violence and political destabilization and disempowerment of the generality of the Nigerian electors, the exclusion of alternative parties seeking to participate in electoral politics and the absence of an effective system to regulate political finance. This paper seeks to explore the concept of political finance. It will equally attempt to concisely analyze the extant legal framework regulating political finance in Nigeria, highlights their inadequacies with a view of reforming these inadequacies for a better political finance management and best practices and proffer suggestions on the ways forward drawing freely from the instructive practices of other emerging and advanced democracies. The paper uses the People Democratic Party as a case study. For example, to pick a nomination form for the State House of Assembly, you must part with the princely sum of N1m. If you wanted to be a House of Representatives candidate, you part with N2.5 million. For the Senate, N3m. Governorship, N5m. And for the Presidency, it is N10m.
The attention of the global economy has been drawn to Nigeria since the last 10 years following the coming on board of the Pension Reform Act 2004, with the vigour and commitment it has brought towards improving social security in Africa’s most populous black nation. This development has continued in some other countries in Africa, which have either understudied the success story of Nigeria’s Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) or adopted similar programs to boost their citizens’ social security welfare. In the 10-year period, the pension industry in Nigeria has experienced phenomenal growth from a deficit of N2trn in the form of pension liabilities in 2004 to an accumulation of pension fund assets of up to N4.1trn by the end of 2013. The huge pool of funds that the CPS has put together is a firm backing to the economy; this is a testimony to the hard work and diligent service of the regulator, The National Pension Commission (PenCom). In realisation of the fact that there is no perfect law anywhere in the world, few months after both the Senate and House of Representatives passed the Pension Reform Bill 2014, President Goodluck Jonathan signed the bill into law recently. This piece highlights the salient issues in the new Pension Reform Act 2014 which repealed the Pension Reform Act 2004 and future of pension administration in Nigeria.
Global perception of the anti-corruption battle in Nigeria got a modicum of approval, recently, after the global anti-corruption body, Transparency International, TI, moved the country four places up in its yearly ranking of public sector transparency. Nigeria’s 139th ranking was up from the 143rd position the country was ranked in 2011, according to the TI ranking released recently. This came as the Federal Government, swiftly dismissed the rating by TI, saying it was a product of “synopsis of negative media reports.” The relatively better ranking nonetheless, reactions within the country was not cheery as it was the opinion of many that corruption remained deeply rooted in the nation’s body polity. In the release made available on its website, TI put Nigeria in a joint 139 position with Azerbaijan, Kenya, Nepal and Pakistan among the 178 nation’s surveyed. Nigeria was effectively ranked as the 35th most corrupt country in the world. In the rankings in 2011, Nigeria got a total score of 2.4 out of a total of 10. The ranking based on public sector corruption, among other indices, followed a total score of 27 out of 100 in the Corruption Perception Index, CPI. The CPI is the degree to which corruption is perceived to permeate among public officials and politicians in a country by the business community and country experts. The scale is based on a rating of 100 for very clean to 0 for very corrupt. For the first time since the beginning of the rankings in 2005, three countries, Denmark, Finland and New Zealand, were joint first in the rankings having obtained an average score of 90 out of 100. Afghanistan, North Korea and Somalia, like last year, were tied at the bottom of the rankings which essentially were reflective of the perception of the business community on the transparency and cleanness of public officials and politicians. The ranking sent mixed signals among the political class and the civil rights community with some lauding the improvement while some faulted the position. It is annoying for the government and its megaphones to issue rebuttals and condemnatory speeches whenever these international reports are released. The objective of this paper is to examine the role the Corruption Perceptions Index report will help Nigeria tackle corruption by learning from those societies that have taken the report in good faith and improve on their rating.
Oath of secrecy is part of the civil service tradition for employees to take an oath of office of allegiance before their assumption of duty, but the manner, timing, and wordings of the recent oath of secrecy administered to the People Democratic Party, National Assembly and Presidency Workers can only be indicatively unambiguous phobia and deep-seated disdain for free flow of information on the part of the clearly desperate master minders of the whole unedifying exercise. No doubt, most of these workers have been in the employ of these institutions many years before the present sets of leadership was inaugurated and the assumption is that they would have performed this mandatory exercise long before now. The paper conceptualized public service and oath of secrecy. It goes on to highlight the background to the oath of secrecy and its location within the concept of administrative loyalty. It also examines the implications of the act on transparency initiatives in the Nigeria public service. The paper goes on to explore the manifestations of arts of disloyalty among civil servant and the consequences. The paper, therefore, shares the thesis that the oath of secrecy was a pointless and wasted exercise whose only benefit is the bad image it would return to the PDP, Presidency and the National Assembly because of its timing. Though the paper supports the oath of secrecy in the public service but concludes by positing that Nigerian leaders cannot afford to portray themselves as sworn enemies of openness, accountability, anti-corruption and transparency, which now widely defined the concept of good governance.
In most federal countries of the world, intergovernmental relations have been contentious. Their revenue allocations have equally been reportedly contentious. The distribution of resources among the various levels of government has never been easy and smooth, hence the contention and Nigeria is no exception (Okeke, 2004). The determination of what constitutes the federal revenue and how it should be shared among the component federating units in Nigeria lie at the center of most, if not all national conflicts. This is why scholars and researchers of National Political Issues have upheld that Revenue allocation in Nigeria has generated a lot of controversy in recent times. The issue had been the allocation between various tiers of government (vertical allocation) and between states (horizontal allocation) but recently, another dimension was introduced to the vertical allocation issues- revenue allocation pattern between the federal government and the Oil-rich states, local government and communities. This third dimension is what made “Issues in Nigerian Fiscal Federalism” unique because the criteria used so far have not enjoyed acceptability and therefore, it has been problematic. From the inception of the entity called Nigeria following the 1914 amalgamation, there has been schemes, schedules, modes, methods and patterns of relationship among the federating units in terms of administration (Intergovernmental relations) and finance (Intergovernmental fiscal relations), in which case, several principles have been expounded and adopted once in a while singularly or collectively such as the principle of Derivation, Need, Population, Even Development, Equality of State, National Interest, Independent Revenues, continuity of Government Services, Financial comparability, Fiscal Efficiency, Tax Efforts, Minimum National Standards, Equality of Access to development Opportunity, out of which the principle of Derivation has been variously advocated for and applied to equalize for the third dimensional sharing pattern referred to above but most recently, the derivation principle no longer seem to be favoured by these oil-rich states and they call for “resource control”. This call for resource control, like the principle of derivation has generated much heat in the Nigerian political scene of recent to the extent that a political solution was sought for where some Governors entered into agreement with the then president to ensure peace in Niger-delta region. The current president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria also created a Niger Delta Ministry to take care of the yearnings and aspiration of the people of Niger-Delta. But the question this paper wishes to address is, has the situation abated? If not, why? And what is the solution? This paper therefore examines the key issues in the Nigerian fiscal federalism with emphasis on the relationship between the derivation principle and resource control, and how a prudent application of derivation principle will quell the issues inherent in Nigerian fiscal federalism generated by “resource control”
Local autonomy is a term that is frequently employed in both academic and popular discussions of local government, but it is rarely defined conceptually in a careful way or operationalised and subject to empirical research. In this paper we present a working definition of “local government autonomy” based on dimensions fundamental to the concept, identify variables to operationalize those dimensions, utilize factor analysis to combine those variables into underlying component factors. We also use the recent Presidential Bill sent to the National Assembly to support the need to abrogate the State-Joint Account. The paper also highlights, analyses and examines the factors that are responsible for lack of independence and fiscal autonomy by local government. The authors further assessed the extent of decentralization and inter-governmental relations in Nigeria impact on the Local Government . In conclusion, the authors pointed out that lack of independence of the local governments is as a result of lack of fiscal autonomy which in turn explains the duplicity of decentralization and inter-governmental relations in Nigeria.
In May 2007, a number of governors completed their eight-year term of office. Having lost the immunity conferred on them by Section 308 of the Constitution, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) invited them for investigation on the basis of several petitions alleging diversion of public funds running to billions of naira. Some reported for interrogation while others sought interlocutory and perpetual injunctions restraining the EFCC from arresting, investigating or prosecuting them in any manner whatsoever and howsoever. Among those who were charged to court only two have been convicted and given light sentences. The majority of the defendants have continued to manipulate the criminal justice system to frustrate their trial. To the eternal shame of the country one of the ex-governors who got a clean bill of health by a Nigerian court was later convicted and jailed by a British court. Out of the two, who jumped bail in the United Kingdom, one is now a Senator of the Republic. Not unexpectedly, the Nigerian people have justifiably blamed lawyers and judges for frustrating the anti-graft agencies from successfully prosecuting politically exposed persons and other members of the ruling class accused of corrupt practices and money laundering. In this presentation we shall examine how the neo-colonial legal system is regularly exploited by senior lawyers in favour of rich and powerful criminal suspects to the detriment of accountability and transparency in the society. And the questions remain: Is there a way out of the woods? Can this trend change as Nigeria approaches 2015 Elections? What are the implications of this trend? Even the judiciary has not helped matters together with the agencies saddled with the responsibility of checkmating corruption and prosecuting corrupt individuals. These issues pose great dangers for 2015 Elections. This is because many among them are going to stand or sponsor cronies for 2015 Elections in order to protect their loots and still remain relevant in political matters in post 2015 Nigeria.
The crisis in Nigeria’s health sector was in evidence when victims of the August 26, 2011 bombing of the United Nations House, Abuja, were flown to South Africa for medical treatment neither the National Hospital, Abuja, reputed to be the best equipped public health establishment with country, nor the university teaching hospitals ere deemed good enough. The referral to a South Africa health facility is handy a surprise, given the frequency of foreign medical trips by Nigerian Public offices, as acknowledges by President Jonathan at the 50th anniversary of the region medical association in April 2010. But Current Finance Minister; Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, wants lost implications and with other consequences of the poor health care delivery system to be considered. This article seeks to consider the challenges facing health care delivery in Nigeria and articulates the challenges to include inadequate health facilities, decay where they exist, lade of motivation, high turnover of qualified personnel incessant strike actions among others. The paper concludes by positing that these difficulties are well-known and should be the focal point of remedial actions by the their tiers of government by providing basic infrastructures, stable power and better conditions of service.
Terrorism has been a global menace which affects economic, political and social status of the country experiencing it. The political dimension of terrorism and insecurity have been examined in this study which moribund political regime of President Goodluck Jonathan in Nigeria. Many lives and properties have been destroyed in Northern Nigeria by the Boko Haram deadly attacks. It is evident from this study that Boko Haram terrorist insurgency invigorated as a result of pronouncement of Goodluck Jonathan as president of Federal Republic of Nigeria. Since the inception of this political regime, Boko Haram has been disrupting and destabilizing government activities mainly in Northern Nigeria. The political implication of terrorism has been deadly in Nigerian democratic governance. The study found that North-Eastern Nigeria witnessed a monumental influx of Boko Haram deadly attacks (115), followed by North-West with (13) attacks while North-Central experienced (12) attacks since last four years, consequently culminated into epileptic socio-political activities in these geo-political zones; many lives have been lost while the Nigerian political environment continue to produce social insecurity and enduring political diaphragm. The challenges of terrorism and insecurity have been traumatizing President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration in Nigeria while many political gladiators hide under the siege of Boko Haram insurgency in terrorizing existing political regime in Nigeria which makes it difficult to actualize governmental policies and programmes in Nigeria. Boko Haram terrorism is an ethnic political tool aimed at causing political chaos by political elites in Nigeria; therefore this study makes a prognosis for reawakening of militancy in Niger-Delta if President Jonathan is denied second term presidential political contestation in Nigeria. Regardless of political affiliations, all the political stakeholders should rally round the Jonathan’s administration to proffer solution to the current security conundrum in Nigeria. The pull-down political syndrome should be shunned for the sake of general well-being of the citizenry which serves as a bedrock of statecraft.